Redefining Liberation War : Legal and Political Implications of the 2025 Freedom Fighter Ordinance in Bangladesh

Faijul Islam

 

In a significant and controversial decision at a same time  the Government of Bangladesh has promulgated the National Freedom Fighters Council (Amendment) Ordinance-2025, redefining the concept  "Bir Muktijoddha" (freedom fighter) and specially  introducing new categories—Muktijuddher Shohojogi (associate of the Liberation War), Muktijoddha Poribar (freedom fighter’s family), and Muktijuddher Shohojogi Poribar (family of a Liberation War associate). While this legislative move is thought  to provide clarity and inclusivity in the nation's official war memory in history , it has sparked serious debate about historical authenticity, bureaucratic motives, political measures  and the politics of national identity.

Historical Background and the Legal Change

The amendment modifies the National Freedom Fighters Council Act-2022, redefining not just who is to be officially recognized as a freedom fighter but also re-categorizing many special individuals who were previously considered part of the historical "Bir Muktijoddha" class. The passed ordinance now places many influential contributors—such as artists from Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra, foreign diplomats, journalists, writers and even members of the Swadhin Bangla football team—under the new category of Shohojogi (associates) instead of freedom fighters classification 

According to the new definition a Bir Muktijoddha must have been actively involved in military or paramilitary operations in the time of war—through training, cross-border movement to India for military preparation  or direct involvement in the Liberation War—between March 26 and December 16 1971. Conversely, the newly introduced "associates" are those who contributed to the war effort through organizational help, diplomatic initiative , or moral support, either from within the country or abroad will be count in the dimension. 

An Inclusive or Divisive Step?

The apparent rationale behind this reclassification is to draw clearer distinctions between combatants and non-combatants. However, critics argue that the changes are less about historical accuracy and more about political manoeuvring in the present context . We have seen that every time a new government comes to power, they create a new list of freedom fighters as per their will. There are directly and indirectly  personal benefits involved.” So at last the movement  of these shifts is a volatile, often politicized recognition process which risks eroding national consensus on our  Liberation War.Renowned freedom fighters like Fazlur Rahman have raised concerns about whether such legal actions reflect the true spirit of 1971 or merely serve to consolidate state power over national memory.  “Do not uphold the spirit of the Liberation War,” Rahman asserted, emphasizing   the emotional and symbolic importance of maintaining the inclusive nature of war recognition after many years of Liberation war.

The Politics of Memory and Recognition

The ordinance’s most commonly contentious omission lies in its redefinition of the Liberation War itself—excluding for the first time any direct reference to Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman . Previously, the war was explicitly described as having been launched in response to his historic call for independence on the 7th March,1971.So from historical view this deletion, whether intended or not, opens up space for differing political interpretations  particularly at a time when Bangladesh's political discourse remains sharply polarized by various controversies. In fact, the politics of redefining who qualifies as a freedom fighter has real-life consequences: from financial benefits and state honour’s to moral legitimacy and generational pride. As such, legislative changes to the list and definitions of freedom fighters are not merely administrative updates  they are acts of national storytelling of time being

Legal and Ethical Implications

From a legal and  jurisprudential viewpoint, the amendment raises critical questions about the retrospective reinterpretation of legal identities after many more years. Can the state lawfully alter recognition that was already granted? What happens to the legal status of those previously recognized as freedom fighters but now reclassified as “associates” means? Are their benefits  both symbolic and material retroactively affected in future ?Article 27 of the Constitution of Bangladesh guarantees equality before the law.  If any kind of  persons who were earlier recognized as freedom fighters are now re-categorized without procedural transparency and  or recourse to appeal, it could be argued that the amendment violates constitutional principles of due process and equality in law. Moreover, under international standards of transitional justice the legitimacy of war-time govt  roles is not only based on combat but also on the broader scope of resistance and solidarity. International  Geneva Conventions and subsequent international jurisprudence have recognized non-combatant roles in liberation struggles as vital contributors to war efforts then. For this reason  reclassifying freedom fighters as merely “associates” undermines their holistic  contribution and could be seen as revisionist history in Bangladesh. 

Towards a Balanced and Participatory Approach

In order to restore huge public confidence and historical fidelity the government must adopt a more transparent  and participatory approach for the development . An independent, non-partisan commission including  historians, legal experts, freedom fighters and civil society representatives could be tasked with reviewing classifications in different views. Moreover, any amendment that changes the historical status of individuals should allow space for grievance redress including the right to appeal or judicial review mechanism. Furthermore, public education on the war’s multifaceted legacy—combat, diplomacy, culture, journalism, philosophy and diaspora contributions—should be enhanced more  rather than segmented politicization .So the true victory of 1971 was the result of collective action  and any legal framework must reflect this national unity towards the integrity of Bangladesh. The spirit of the Liberation War of 1971 lies not in bureaucratic classification but in the sacrifices and solidarities forged across all walks of life. Redefining “freedom fighters” and their associates may serve short administrative clarity or political interests but it risks undermining the inclusive memory of the nation's most defining moment. As Bangladesh approaches the 55th anniversary of the independence, it is time to recognize that national identity cannot be neatly boxed into categories into diverse societies . So legal definitions matter but they must serve justice, truth, fair  and unity—not convenience or partisanship.

 

Faijul Islam is a Lecturer of Law at Prime University, Bangladesh. He specializes in constitutional law, international human rights, and the International Organisation .Now pursuing his M.PHIL degree from University of Chittagong on ongoing genocides & role of International organisations to intervene the War.

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